The Kalmyks: A Handbook (Caucasus World: Peoples of the Caucasus)

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Assume for example that at generation 1 population A outnumbers population B by a factor of Assuming that A has a replication of 0. We have examples from the New World where Iberian Y chromosomal lineages have totally replaced Amerindian ones among the racially mixed population, while preserving Amerindian mtDNA. In areas with generations of European male migration the total genome content has become overwhelmingly male, but the mtDNA still shows the signature of the founding Amerindian population.

I am willing to be that for the Caucasus we would see much less distinction on the mtDNA if the same study was replicated with the same individuals. The major explanation for why this would not be so from my perspective would be if the original male Near Eastern groups arrived and intermarried with sharply distinctive local female lineages, and these distinctions have been preserved over time through endogamy, whether culturally conditioned language barriers or geographically necessitated.

Finally, on the broadest canvass these sorts of findings should make us question the contention that nationality is a totally modern invention. These language and genetic clusters clearly denote populations which have deep differences which have persisted and emerged over thousands of years. Dismissing these differences as purely socially constructed epiphenomena is I think the wrong way to approach the question.

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This study is essentially a study of the highland Caucasus, the most isolated areas of the Caucasus, so it is not so surprising to find a clear correlation between languages and genetics in this study, especially as the Northwest and Northeast Caucasian language families are probably very old in the Caucasus maybe so old as to be directly linked to the first Neolithic colonizations in the Caucasus. Previous genetic studies suggested that the Transcaucasus and lowland Caucasus populations have genetic structures correlated with geography rather than languages and were genetically very close to each other respectively despite speaking very different language families and religious differences.

One thing that he reports is that marriages were regarded as mixed marriages only if the religions were different, not according to language group. The Turkic expansion, which began roughly years before the Mongolian conquests, and previous Altaic expansions explain the spread of that haplotype much better than the Mongolian conquests. Of course, the Ossets could simply represent a genetically Northwest Caucuasian population on the boundary between Northwest Caucuasian languages and Indo-European languages than experienced language shift at a possibly recent point in time.

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The J1 branch is very basal, the J2 branch is not particularly so. Both, however, are within the NE Caucuasian branch. Could this indicate that the Dagestanis are an older layer than Chechens? So do the European distributiosn of J2a4b and I2a. This is suggestive of the possibility that these hgs dispersed as a parts of two distinct migrations. Anglo-Saxons spread their language and pagan religion to the Christian British natives and Slavs spread their language and pagan religion to the Christian Balkan natives.

Besides, Central Asian Turkic people were shamanist before converting to Islam preserving many of their shamanist beliefs and practices even after converting to Islam, and also there were still large numbers of shamanist Turkic people in Central Asia during the Mongolian conquests. Khan, religion was just a small part of my argument, but you somehow fixated on it.

I mentioned religion just as an auxiliary element to language. If Mongolians had spread their language and not their religion, not much would change in my evaluation of their genetic impact. But the examples I gave in 6 are valid for the issue we are discussing.

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  • You are free to believe what you want, but I am not the only one linking the spread of the haplotype in question to the Turkic expansion and the former Altaic expansions, there are lots of scientific material on this issue available on the Internet. The strongest examples would be the staying power of Chinese folk religion and Shinto in the face of institutionalized religions like Buddhism. Shamanism turns out to be capable of living symbiotically with other institutional religions relatively well.

    It would need some kind of institutionalization in a class of shamans and less personalized forms of rituals, but certainly could have evolved in that way.

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    Certainly it is remarkable how seemingly little of a cultural legacy the Mongolians left despite their vast empire. Their genetic trace seems to have been greater than their cultural legacy. Similarly, the survival of the Hindu religion in India, which is the most direct healthy descendant of the Indo-European religious system indeed, perhaps the last continuously living descendant , has overcome temporary advances by other institutionalized religions and brought to a standstill the spread of others.

    Of course, Hindus are not shamanists. But, the Hindu example does argue against the theory that, in general, some kinds of religions have inherently more staying power in a culture than others.